1999 will be the most challenging year for Indonesia<\/p>\n
By Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono<\/p>\n
JAKARTA (JP): The year 1998 was a very historical year for
\nIndonesia. It will be remembered by some as a dark year for its
\ndeep economic troubles, political turmoil and social unrest.<\/p>\n
And yet for reformists, it may well be remembered as a year of
\nnational rebirth -- a year in which the first steps toward a more
\nprosperous, free and democratic nation were taken.<\/p>\n
Had this transitional year proceeded smoothly, it might have
\nbeen an excellent time to review what has been accomplished in
\nthe last three decades.<\/p>\n
Unfortunately, fate has allowed us neither the time nor the
\nopportunity for such reflection. The transfer of power from
\nSoeharto to Habibie on May 21, 1998, did not end the national
\ncrises. It was, rather, merely the beginning of new and more
\ndifficult challenges and problems.<\/p>\n
Entering the 21st century, Indonesia must successfully face
\nthree great challenges.<\/p>\n
First, Indonesia must overcome the present multifaceted
\ncrisis. The crisis is not just economic, political and social,
\nbut also involves a crisis of confidence both domestically and
\ninternationally.<\/p>\n
Second, the country must dutifully implement reform. The list
\nof needed reform will most certainly be long. Therefore, the
\ngovernment and the people must be wise in determining the proper
\npriorities and steps to be taken.<\/p>\n
Assuming that the first two tasks can be successfully
\naccomplished, the third challenge is to continue the national
\ndevelopment program, which has, currently, stalled.<\/p>\n
In view of Indonesia's present political instability, economic
\nstagnation and social unrest, Habibie's position is extremely
\ndifficult.<\/p>\n
His situation could be considered a \"mission impossible\". His
\nleadership is being tested and his administration is being
\nchallenged from all sides.<\/p>\n
As a nation, of course, Indonesia must not lose faith. There
\nmust be a light at the end of the tunnel. Although hardships and
\nsuffering still line the horizon, the storm will pass.<\/p>\n
However, the way ahead will be filled with a lot of hardship,
\nand the nation must pass four crucial tests. There are not only
\nmoral, political and administrative tests to be faced, but also a
\ntest of leadership. How Indonesia stands up to these four tests
\nwill determine its future.<\/p>\n
Morally, the Indonesian people must share a deep sense of
\nresponsibility and must have the will to overcome the crises. The
\ncrucial thing is unity. Everybody has to be part of the solution,
\nnot the problem. Unity, of utmost importance, will only be forged
\nwhen personal interests are relinquished and national interests
\nembraced. Political conflicts must be settled. A new consensus
\nhas to be formed, upon which the nation can begin to build again.<\/p>\n
For democracy to take root, the upcoming election and general
\nsession of the People's Consultative Assembly (MPR) must proceed
\nas planned.<\/p>\n
Politically speaking, it is widely predicted that the
\nscheduled election of June 1999 will be exceedingly challenging.<\/p>\n
In the spirit of political liberalization, over 100 new
\npolitical parties have been formed.<\/p>\n
Former political laws governing elections, political parties
\nand the legislature must be revised.<\/p>\n
A new electoral system, as well as the organizations and
\nmechanisms to support it, must be put into place quickly.<\/p>\n
Besides this, how the election is monitored and supervised
\nmust also be updated. Such regulations are far from easy to form
\nand regulate, and the plethora of political parties is certain to
\nonly complicate the matter.<\/p>\n
The list of concerns continues. For example, how can we ensure
\nthat the electoral campaign will be conducted in a safe and
\norderly manner when the conflicts of interest among political
\ngroups and parties is so intense.<\/p>\n
Furthermore, what will happen if the losers do not accept the
\nelectoral results? In view of such concerns, excellent
\npreparation and socialization of the issues is essential. This
\nmust also be supported by effective controls and conducted in a
\nfair and transparent manner.<\/p>\n
Once the election is completed, Indonesia will face the
\nstrategic and potentially volatile task of selecting a new
\npresident and vice president through the general session of the
\nMPR. Since there is no precedence of the MPR electing a
\npresident, in which there was ever more than one candidate, the
\ncoming session may well bring new hazards in its wake.<\/p>\n
From an administrative standpoint, the government must be able
\nto effectively solve the present economic and social crises. A
\nsocial safety net must be established, severe unemployment must
\nbe tackled and the national economic system must be revitalized.<\/p>\n
The government must be skillfully exploit, presuming sensitive
\nsigns of economic stability and turnaround.<\/p>\n
Law and order must be restored, criminals must be punished and
\nsocial disturbances must be ended. The reform movement must be
\nwisely managed and directed so that it does not inadvertently
\ncreate more problems than it solves.<\/p>\n
To be able to accomplish these very demanding tasks, all state
\nand government apparatuses, vertically as well as horizontally,
\nmust work urgently, collectively and diligently.<\/p>\n
Whether or not these three tests -- moral, political and
\nadministrative -- can be successfully faced depends almost
\nentirely on strong and effective leadership. This test of
\nleadership could well be considered the most crucial the nation
\nfaces.<\/p>\n
Aligning, directing and motivating the people will be the
\nprimary job of every leader. President Habibie should be at the
\nforefront, supported by both the administration and the
\nIndonesian people.<\/p>\n
President Habibie is a very determined man and is driven by a
\nsense of destiny. However, his credibility, performance and
\ncapability to overcome the country's troubles have yet to be
\nproven to all.<\/p>\n
We do hope that with our support, President Habibie can
\nsuccessfully manage and lead this nation toward a better future.<\/p>\n
In closing, if the international community feels ethically
\ncalled to help the Indonesian people, there is a hope that a true
\nsense of mutual understanding and cooperation can be forged.<\/p>\n
Indonesia deeply appreciates the aid received from the
\nInternational Monetary Fund, the World Bank, friendly countries
\nand various international organizations.<\/p>\n
There is a general awareness among the Indonesian people that
\nfor the country to emerge as a respected nation in the 21st
\ncentury, it must wisely adopt, develop and practice the values of
\ndemocracy, human rights and the rule of law.<\/p>\n
Adopting and developing these ideals has actually taken the
\nforefront in the current reform agenda. Though this is so,
\nsomething must be kept in mind -- Indonesia's future is up to the
\nIndonesian people to decide.<\/p>\n
The Indonesian people must be free to decide and select the
\nway, the manner and the methodology necessary to conduct the
\nreforms.<\/p>\n
Improper intervention from outside powers would only worsen a
\ndifficult situation.<\/p>\n
It is wise to remember that though the system may be the same,
\nits particulars must be tailored to meet the needs of the country
\nin which it is applied. \"A T-shirt doesn't fit all\".<\/p>\n
The year 1998 has just been left. The year 1999 most certainly
\nrequires that the Indonesian nation and people are tough,
\ndetermined and united in grasping and molding what the future
\nholds.<\/p>\n
The writer is Chief of Staff for Territorial Affairs of the
\nIndonesian Armed Forces.<\/p>",
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